Reuters
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2020/06/18/saudi-arabias-crown-prince-uses-travel-restrictions-consolidate-power/
An
investigation shows that this practice of restricting foreign travel is
much broader than generally recognized and is part of a larger system
of organized repression in the kingdom. MBS has used these tools to
consolidate power as he moves toward what some U.S. officials believe
may be an attempt, perhaps this year, to seize the full powers of
government from his ailing father, King Salman.
The total
number of Saudis who are subject to travel restrictions, according to
Saudi and U.S. analysts, probably runs into the thousands. Those who are
banned don’t usually know about their status until they go to the
airport or try to cross a border post, where they’re stopped and told
that exit is forbidden on order of the state security organization,
which operates through the royal court. No formal, written explanation
is typically given. Several members of banned families said they
believed the restriction was an effort to pressure or force back to the
kingdom those MBS sees as critics or threats.
The
Saudis have maintained some restrictions on foreign travel since long
before MBS, and they’re hardly the only Middle Eastern country to do so.
And in some areas, such as unescorted travel by women, MBS has
liberalized the Saudi system. But U.S. and Saudi analysts say he has
used control of travel as part of his broader effort to suppress any
challenge from within the royal family and the business elite.
The list of banned Saudis starts with the family of the late King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz, Salman’s predecessor, whose 2015 death
set off a “Game of Thrones” rivalry in the kingdom that continues
today. According to a knowledgeable Western businessman close to the
Abdullah clan, 27 sons and daughters of the late king have been blocked
from travel abroad since 2017. In addition, between 52 and 57
grandchildren and eight great-grandchildren have been banned from
travel.
The
source, who requested anonymity because of the sensitivity of
information about the kingdom, wouldn’t identify individual members of
the Abdullah clan who have been blocked. According to published news
reports, four of Abdullah’s prominent sons — Mutaib, the former head of the national guard; Mishaal, former governor of Mecca; Faisal, former head of the Saudi Red Crescent Society, and Turki,
former governor of Riyadh — were all detained and held at the
Ritz-Carlton in Riyadh in November 2017 in MBS’s crackdown on alleged
corruption. They remain under arrest or house arrest, and their
offspring can’t leave the kingdom, Western and Saudi sources said.
Travel bans also apply to the wife and two daughters of Mohammed bin Nayef, the former crown prince whom MBS deposed
in June 2017. Mohammed bin Nayef’s wife, Reema bint Sultan, the
daughter of former Crown Prince Sultan, was briefly allowed to travel
abroad last year for medical treatment, a Saudi and Western source said,
but her children Sarah and Lulua are forbidden to leave. Some members
of MBS’s own family can’t travel abroad, either, the sources said.
The
roughly 300 Saudis who were held at the Ritz-Carlton make up a big
portion of the “banned” community. The detainees included some of the
kingdom’s most prominent business leaders, such as Prince Alwaleed bin Talal,
who has invested in banks and hotels around the world. He and most of
the others were released after they were forced to pay a percentage of
their financial assets, which MBS claimed had been obtained improperly.
But even
these 200 or more who “settled” their cases have been prevented from
traveling freely, along with their families, according to various
sources.
One
source from a banned family estimated that the number of Ritz-Carlton
detainees and family members whose travel has been restricted is between
2,000 and 2,500, but this number couldn’t be confirmed. In addition to
the Ritz-Carlton cases of alleged corruption, MBS has detained 131
prominent political and religious figures since September 2017,
according to a list compiled by Human Rights Watch in November. Their families, too, have been subject to travel bans.
The
same report by Human Rights Watch cited these family restrictions as
one of the repressive abuses in the kingdom. “In addition to directly
targeting Saudi citizens for arrest … in some cases authorities have
also punished their family members by imposing arbitrary bans on travel
outside the country or freezing their assets and access to services,”
the report noted.
An early
case that showed how the system works was the Sept. 10, 2017, arrest of
cleric Salman Alodh. His brother Khalid immediately tweeted the news,
and he was arrested two days later. They both remain in prison,
according to human rights monitors. Since then, 17 members of the Alodh
family, some under the age of 10, have been prevented from traveling
abroad, according Alodh’s son, Abdullah, an adjunct professor at George
Washington University. Abdullah was outside the country when his father
was jailed and has refused Saudi requests to return home.
“It’s a widespread practice now in Saudi Arabia,” said Abdullah. “They use it to threaten or intimidate or silence a family.”
A
classic example of this squeeze technique was the travel ban imposed in
2017 on the son of Post contributor Jamal Khashoggi. When Khashoggi’s
oldest son, Salah,
was prevented from leaving the kingdom, Khashoggi was told his son
would be free to leave if the dissident journalist returned home.
Khashoggi, who resisted such intimidation, was murdered in the Saudi
Consulate in Istanbul in October 2018, on what the CIA believes were
MBS’s orders.
State
Department officials have focused on travel-ban cases involving Saudis
who have dual U.S. citizenship. One such Saudi American is Walid Fitaihi,
a doctor and television personality. He was arrested in November 2017
and freed last August, under U.S. pressure. But he and his family are
still banned from traveling abroad. The State Department is pressuring
the Saudis on two similar cases involving dual Saudi-U. S. citizens, Salah al-Haidar and Bader al-Ibrahim.
Sometimes,
Saudi authorities will allow a member of a prominent family to leave
the kingdom, but only if another stays behind as “collateral,” explained
one Saudi from a banned family. An example is a billionaire merchant
family of three brothers, who expanded from two menswear shops into a
network of 19 shopping malls. If one of the brothers leaves, others must
remain, a knowledgeable Saudi explained.
Similar
restrictions apply to the bin Laden family, who, in addition to their
relationship with the late Osama bin Laden, founder of al-Qaeda, run a
vast construction business. Two young members of the bin Laden clan were
stopped in 2017, one at Jiddah airport, the other trying to cross the
causeway into Bahrain.
MBS has
defended his pressure on these prominent families as part of an attempt
to stop corruption, which for many decades had been an unfortunate fact
of life in the kingdom. MBS’s associates say he is preparing corruption
charges against Mohammed bin Nayef, alleging that he skimmed
intelligence operational funds when he was minister of interior. The
Saudis have circulated similar allegations about Saad Aljabri, said his
son Khalid. But he said Interpol rejected such charges as politically
motivated two years ago.
Holding
innocent family members hostage to extort cooperation is a practice
characteristic of the most brutal regimes throughout history. Yet as the
Saudi machine of repression accelerates, it has sadly become a standard
part of MBS’s governance.
Great comprehensive info. I wish we'd had this when we were there seven years ago. At that time, as you mention, all photography was prohibited inside the tombs–another regret I'd like to remedy some day.
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