An
Iranian-flagged support boat near an oil tanker. A big drop in Iran’s
oil exports two months before United States sanctions go into effect has
had little impact on the global oil market.CreditCreditAli Mohammadi/Bloomberg
https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/19/business/energy-environment/iran-oil-sanctions.html
HOUSTON — When President Trump announced in May
that he was going to withdraw the United States from the nuclear
agreement that the Obama administration and five other countries
negotiated with Iran in 2015 and reimpose sanctions on the country, the
decision was fraught with potential disaster.
If
Mr. Trump’s approach worked too well, oil prices would spike and hurt
the American economy. If it failed, international companies would
continue trading with Iran, leaving the Islamic Republic unscathed,
defiant and free to restart its nuclear program.
But the policy has been effective without either of those nasty consequences, at least so far.
Nearly
two months before American oil sanctions go into effect, Iran’s crude
exports are plummeting. International oil companies, including those
from countries that are still committed to the nuclear agreement, are
bailing out of deals with Tehran.
And
remarkably, the price of oil in the United States has risen only
modestly while gasoline prices have essentially remained flat. The
current global oil price hovers around $80 a barrel, $60 below the highs
of a decade ago.
“The president is doing the opposite of
what the experts said, and it seems to be working out,” said Michael
Lynch, president of Strategic Energy and Economic Research, a research
and consulting firm.
Initial signs of
a foreign-policy success could benefit Mr. Trump politically as
Republicans try to hold on to control of Congress. The president and
lawmakers allied with him could point to the administration’s aggressive
stand toward Iran as evidence that his unconventional approach to
diplomacy has been much more fruitful and far less costly than Democrats
have been willing to acknowledge.
The administration’s tactical advantage
could be fleeting, of course, if Iran retaliates with cyberattacks or
militarily, incites more militia violence in Iraq, or revives its
nuclear program.
The most important
reason that predictions of higher oil prices have been wrong is that
there is plenty of oil sloshing around the world. The United States has
become a huge exporter of oil in the last several years and is now
shipping roughly the same amount — more than two million barrels a day —
that Iran did earlier this year.
Trade
tensions and economic problems in developing countries like Turkey and
Argentina might also be slowing the growth of energy demand.
Another thing in
Mr. Trump’s favor is that while governments in Europe and Asia have
publicly opposed his decision to withdraw from the nuclear agreement,
many businesses in those places have made a different calculation. They
have concluded that it makes little financial sense to risk investments
in and trade with the United States by doing business with Iran.
Until
Mr. Trump’s May announcement, Western allies considered the nuclear
deal with Iran a success. In exchange for agreeing to strict limits on
its nuclear program and international monitoring, Iran was allowed to
re-enter the global oil market. The deal lifted restrictions on foreign
companies doing business in Iran and gave the country access to frozen
assets overseas.
After Nov. 4,
companies that buy, ship or insure shipments of Iranian oil can be
excluded from the American market and banking system unless they obtain
waivers from the administration.
Trump
administration officials say its sanctions are designed to punish Iran
for its interventions in Syria, Yemen and other countries.
For
Iran, the timing could not be worse. The country has lost influence
over oil prices as other producers have eclipsed its energy industry,
which has not kept up with technological advances.
At
the beginning of the century, Iranian officials could shake the oil
markets by staging military maneuvers or merely hinting that they would
reduce supplies. Back then, American oil production was falling and
global demand for crude was surging.
But
those days are long gone. Like the United States, countries including
Canada and Brazil are also exporting more oil. Russia, Saudi Arabia and
Iraq have also increased production, helping to keep oil prices in
check. Saudi Arabia and its Persian Gulf allies are only too happy to
support the sanctions against their chief rival, Iran, by expanding
exports.
That
has provided a buffer for the global oil market as Iranian exports
dropped by more than 25 percent, or around 600,000 barrels a day,
between June and the start of September. Exports are expected to drop by
an additional half-million barrels when American sanctions go into
effect. All told, exports could drop from a high of 2.7 million barrels
this year to fewer than a million in 2019 — lowering the country’s
exports to less than 1 percent of the global market, from about 3
percent earlier this year.
That would
further squeeze the Iranian government, which had $50 billion in oil
revenue last year; oil and petroleum products make up about 70 percent
of the country’s exports by value.
“For
Iran, it shows the leverage that they have had through oil has not only
diminished but may never return,” said Amy Myers Jaffe, a senior fellow
specializing in energy at the Council on Foreign Relations. “People
just don’t care if they are going to lose business in Iran. People don’t
feel desperate for supply.’’
The sanctions are so onerous that even companies from countries opposed to Mr. Trump’s approach are withdrawing from Iran.
South
Korea, Iran’s third-biggest oil market last year, halted purchases in
August after buying 194,000 barrels a day in July. Shipments to France
and Japan, two other major markets, are also dropping.
OMV,
the Austrian oil company, recently backed out of an agreement with the
National Iranian Oil Company to evaluate oil fields. Hellenic Petroleum
of Greece, Spain’s Repsol and Italy’s Eni are winding down oil
purchases.
The Foundation for Defense of Democracies,
a conservative Washington think tank, found that 71 foreign companies
planned to withdraw from Iran, 19 intended to stay and 142 were
undecided or hadn’t said as of early September.
“Big
international companies have to ask themselves what risks are they
willing to take on,” said David Adesnik, the foundation’s director of
research. “Even if you don’t have a business in the U.S. you can be cut
off from our financial system, and that’s not something a truly global
firm can afford.”
The next big shoe
to drop appears to be India, Iran’s second-biggest oil market after
China. Reliance Industries, the nation’s leading refiner, has said it
will stop buying Iranian crude when American sanctions kick in. And the
State Bank of India, the country’s largest lender, has told refiners
that it will block payments for Iranian crude.
American
officials are waging a public and private campaign to persuade foreign
leaders to cut economic ties with Iran — and to buy more American oil.
During a visit to India
this month, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the administration was
seeking a total halt to Iranian oil exports, although countries will be given time to switch suppliers.
“Purchases of Iranian crude will go to zero from every country or sanctions will be imposed,” Mr. Pompeo said.
The
sanctions could allow Russian and Chinese companies to replace Western
businesses in Iran. After Washington denied it a waiver, the French oil
giant Total pulled out of a contract to develop the South Pars gas
field, leaving a potential opening to China’s CNPC to increase its
investment in the field.
China, which
imports a half-million barrels of Iranian crude a day, can more easily
resist American policy than other countries. That’s because its smallest
refiners and domestic banks have little or no exposure to the United
States.
Russia is another obstacle.
Gazprom
and Rosneft, two state-controlled Russian oil and gas giants, are
negotiating oil development deals worth roughly $10 billion with the
Iranian oil ministry.
For its part,
Iran is not sitting still. The state-run Iranian tanker company is
storing oil on its fleet of supertankers rather than shut down
production, which can damage wells. Iran could smuggle oil over land
through Pakistan and Afghanistan, and barter with trading companies to
get around sanctions.
International
transactions are largely denominated in dollars, which strengthens
American sanctions. Over time, Iran’s oil trade could shift to other
currencies, particularly the Chinese renminbi.
“We
will continue by all means to both produce and export,” President
Hassan Rouhani of Iran said recently on state TV. “Oil is in the front
line of confrontation and resistance.”
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